New Left Scale

Abstract

The New Left Scale, developed by Richard Christie, L. N. Friedman, and A. Ross in 1969, is a comprehensive psychological instrument designed to assess the strength of radical political and social attitudes prevalent among activist and student populations during the late 1960s in the United States. This 61-item scale quantifies ideological commitment to revolutionary societal change, rejection of established institutions, and skepticism toward conventional political processes. It serves as a historical measure within social psychology, providing critical insight into the belief systems underlying radical anti-authoritarian activism.

Keywords

New Left, Radicalism, Political Attitudes, Social Change, Anti-Establishment, Ideology, Revolutionary Action, Student Activism, 1960s.

Authors

Richard Christie, L. N. Friedman, and A. Ross.

Purpose

The primary purpose of the New Left Scale was to quantitatively map the unique ideological landscape of the New Left movement during its peak influence. Researchers sought to create a standardized metric capable of identifying individuals who held strong revolutionary, anti-authoritarian, and anti-institutional beliefs, distinguishing these attitudes from general political liberalism or conservatism prevalent in the broader population.

By administering this instrument, researchers could explore the psychological correlates and demographic profiles of those advocating for radical societal restructuring and immediate, disruptive change, often favoring non-traditional political means over gradual reform through conventional political channels. The scale was instrumental in exploratory studies analyzing the psychological differences between activists, non-activist students, and control groups.

Construct

The scale measures a complex, multi-faceted construct known as New Left Ideology or Radical Anti-Establishment Sentiment. This construct is fundamentally characterized by profound cynicism regarding existing political and economic structures—often referred to as “The Establishment”—coupled with a belief in the necessity of complete societal overhaul rather than incremental reform.

The attitudes measured can be broadly categorized into several thematic areas: 1) Anti-Institutionalism (rejection of government bureaucracy, traditional marriage, and long-standing social norms); 2) Revolutionary Action Preference (favoring disruption, protest, and even violence over dialogue and elections for societal change); and 3) Utopian Vision (a belief that human nature is fundamentally good, corrupted only by repressive societal structures, and that freedom requires the destruction of these structures).

Validity

As an exploratory instrument developed primarily for immediate use in the late 1960s, specific comprehensive measures of criterion or construct validity were often implied rather than formally published alongside the initial findings. The scale derived strong face validity from the fact that its 61 items were formulated directly from the observed rhetoric, manifestos, and stated goals of prominent New Left organizations and student activists, ensuring that the content accurately reflected the target ideological domain.

Reliability

Detailed psychometric reliability statistics, such as Cronbach’s alpha coefficients for the full 61-item scale or its proposed sub-factors, were not explicitly reported in the primary exploratory abstracts by Christie et al. (1969). However, given the standardized format and the large number of items covering a consistent ideological domain, the instrument is generally assumed to possess adequate internal consistency for measuring this specific configuration of political attitudes.

Factor Analysis

While the original research by Christie and colleagues focused on the scale’s utility as a unitary measure of New Left radicalism, subsequent uses and analyses of similar political attitude measures often suggested a multidimensional structure. Researchers utilizing this instrument, or a subset of its items, often found dimensions related to specific facets of the ideology, such as anti-authoritarianism, preference for direct revolutionary action, and cultural/sexual liberation components. A definitive, published factor structure for the original 61-item scale across diverse samples remains a topic for continuing academic exploration.

Instrument

Test Type: Self-report Psychological Scale / Political Attitude Inventory

Format: 61 items assessed using a 7-point Likert Scale.

Language Available: English.

Population Group: General population, primarily utilized with student and activist populations in the US.

Age Group: Adolescents and Adults (typically college-aged and older).

Population Details: Originally standardized and used on samples from major American universities to study political and social divergence during the late 1960s.

Test Methodology: Respondents indicate their level of agreement or disagreement with each statement on a scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree).

Keywords

Political Radicalism, Ideology Measurement, Student Movement, Anti-Authoritarianism, Social Disruption, Political Attitudes, Revolutionary Sentiment.

Authors

Author ORCID Identifier: N/A (Information not available in primary sources).

Affiliation Email addresses: N/A (Information not available in primary sources).

Correspondence Address: Richard Christie, Department of Social Psychology, Columbia University (Affiliation at time of publication, 1969).

Permissions & Fee and Test Year

The New Left Scale was developed and first published in 1969. Due to its inclusion in major compendiums of measures, such as the Measures of Political Attitudes by Robinson and Shaver (1969), the scale is generally accessible for non-commercial academic research purposes. The full instrument is available in published academic works and institutional repositories.

The original PDF containing this instrument is available via the Institute for Social Research (ISR) at the University of Michigan. The specific document link is preserved here: https://www.psc.isr.umich.edu/dis/infoserv/isrpub/pdf/Measuresofsocialpsychologicalattitudes_2928_.PDF

Reference’s

• Christie, R.; Friedman, L.; and Ross, A. The New Left and its ideology. Unpublished paper, Department of Social Psychology, Columbia University.
• Christie, R., Friedman, L. N., & Ross, A. (1969). The New Left and its ideology: An exploratory study. Proceedings of the Annual Convention of the American Psychological Association, 4(Pt. 1), 293-294.
• Robinson, John P., Shaver, Phillip R. (1969). Measures of Political Attitudes. Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan.

Items of the New Left Scale

IMPORTANT: The following scale items must be preserved in their original language and must not be changed in any way. Responses are scored on a 7-point scale (1 = strongly disagree to 7 = strongly agree).

1. “The Establishment” unfairly controls every aspect of our lives; we can never be free until we are rid of it.
2. You can never achieve freedom within the framework of contemporary American society.
3. The United States needs a complete restructuring of its basic institutions.
4. A mass revolutionary party should be created.
5. Authorities must be put in an intolerable position so they will be forced to respond with repression and thus show their illegitimacy.
6. The solutions for contemporary problems lie in striking at their roots, no matter how much destruction might occur.
7. Disruption is preferable to dialogue for changing our society.
8. Even though institutions have worked well in the past, they must be destroyed if they are not effective now.
9. The structure of our society is such that self-alienation is inevitable.
10. Sexual behavior should be bound by mutual feelings, not by formal and legal ties.
11. A problem with most older people is that they have learned to accept society as it is, not as it should be.
12. The bureaucracy of American society makes it impossible to live and work spontaneously.
13. Radicals of the left are as much a threat to the rights of the individual as are the radicals of the right.
14. While man has great potential for good, society brings out primarily the worst in him.
15. The processes of rebuilding society are of less immediate importance than the processes of destroying it.
16. The political structure of the Soviet union is more like that of the United States than that of Red China.
17. The streets are a more appropriate medium for change in our society than printing presses.
18. Competition encourages excellence.
19. Marriage unfairly restricts one’s personal freedom.
20. The right to private property is sacred.
21. No one should be punished for violating a law which he feels is immoral.
22. The courts are a useful vehicle for responsible change.
23. There are legitimate channels for reform which must be exhausted before attempting disruption.
24. You learn more from ten minutes in a political protest than ten hours of research in a library.
25. Although our society has to be changed, violence is not a justified means.
26. Society needs some legally based authority in order to prevent chaos.
27. Representative democracy can respond effectively to the needs of the people.
28. Police should not hesitate to use force to maintain order.
29. Real participatory democracy should be the basis for a new society.
30. If people worked hard at their jobs, they would reap the full benefits of our society.
31. A social scientist should not separate his political responsibilities from his professional role.
32. People should not do research which can be used in ways which are contrary to the social good.
33. Abrupt reforms in society usually lead to such a severe backlash that they will be self-defeating.
34. Traditions serve a useful social function by providing stability and continuity.
35. The very existence of our long-standing social norms demonstrates their value.
36. If the structure of our society becomes non-repressive, people will be happy.
37. The distinction between public and private life is unnecessary.
38. Compromise is essential for progress.
39. Extensive reform in society only serves to perpetuate the evils; it will never solve problems.
40. Voting must be a pragmatic rather than moral decision.
41. Anyone who violates the law for reasons of conscience should be willing to accept the legal consequences.
42. It is possible to modify our institutions so that the blacks can be incorporated on an equal basis in to our contemporary society.
43. Although men are intrinsically good, they have developed institutions which force them to act in opposition to their basic nature.
44. Educational institutions should espouse political doctrines.
45. Change in our society should be based primarily on popular elections.
46. A minority must never be allowed to impose its will on the majority.
47. Spontaneity is often an excuse for irresponsibility.
48. An Individual can find his true identity only by detaching himself from formal ideologies.
49. Being put in positions of leadership brings out the best in men.
50. Political factions cannot cooperate with each other without sacrificing their integrity.
51. It is more important that people be involved in the present rather than concerned with the past or the future.
52. A commitment to action is more socially relevant than a commitment to any specific philosophy.
53. Commitment to a meaningful career is a very important part of a man’s life.
54. One’s personal life can be kept separate from one’s political life.
55. A group without a clear-cut pattern of leadership cannot function effectively.
56. Freedom of expression should be denied to racist and neo-fascistic movements.
57. Provocation of the police should only be a by-product, not a goal, of mass action.
58. A liberal society is more conducive to revolutionary change than is a fascistic one.
59. We must strive for the democratization of decision making bodies within the existing government.
60. The only way to combat violence is to use violent means.
61. You should always be candid with your friends even though you may hurt their feelings.