Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale

Abstract

The Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) is a seminal psychometric instrument developed to quantify the degree to which an individual endorses prejudicial, stereotypical, or false beliefs about sexual assault victims, perpetrators, and the crime of rape itself. Originally published by Payne, Lonsway, and Fitzgerald (1999), the scale provides a critical measure for researchers studying attitudes that minimize, deny, or justify sexual violence. The scale is essential for understanding the social cognitive mechanisms that facilitate victim blaming and impede justice.

The initial 45-item version was later refined and updated by McMahon and Farmer (2011) into a more streamlined 22-item version, featuring a clear, empirically supported four-factor structure. This revision enhanced the instrument’s utility by focusing on contemporary manifestations of rape myths, thereby improving its relevance and discriminatory power in modern research settings.

Keywords

Rape Myth Acceptance, Sexual Violence, Victim Blaming, Sexual Assault, Psychometrics, Social Cognition, Attitudinal Assessment, Gender Stereotypes.

Authors

Denise L. Payne, Kimberly A. Lonsway, Louise F. Fitzgerald, Tracy McMahon, Tara Farmer.

Purpose

The primary objective of the IRMA is to establish a standardized, reliable, and valid metric for measuring the endorsement of common rape myths within various populations. This measure is indispensable for academic and applied research focused on the social context of sexual assault. By quantifying these attitudes, researchers can better analyze their influence in critical domains such as jury decision-making, law enforcement responsiveness, and the effectiveness of preventative education programs.

Furthermore, the scale serves as a valuable diagnostic and evaluative tool. It allows researchers to investigate the correlation between myth acceptance and other detrimental attitudes, including hostile sexism, adherence to traditional gender roles, and the inclination toward sexual aggression. The quantified results from the IRMA are vital for assessing whether interventions aimed at reducing prejudicial beliefs about sexual assault are successful.

Construct

The IRMA operationalizes the construct of Rape Myth Acceptance (RMA). RMA is defined as the belief structure comprising prejudiced, stereotypic, or inaccurate beliefs concerning rape, the characteristics of sexual assault victims, and the motivations of rapists. These deeply ingrained beliefs function socially to excuse the perpetrator, minimize the severity of the crime, or shift accountability onto the victim based on factors like attire, intoxication, or sexual history.

The revised 22-item IRMA (2011) provides a nuanced assessment by dividing RMA into four distinct, yet correlated, factors. These factors capture the major themes of myth endorsement: 1) She asked for it (focusing on victim precipitation and responsibility); 2) He didn’t mean to (focusing on excusing the offender due to factors like sexual drive or intoxication); 3) It wasn’t really rape (focusing on a narrow, often legally restrictive, definition of the crime, such as requiring physical resistance); and 4) She lied (focusing on beliefs concerning false accusations and victim deception).

Validity

Initial validation studies of the 45-item scale confirmed strong construct validity. The scale scores demonstrated significant positive correlations with established measures of hostile sexism, endorsement of traditional gender roles, and acceptance of interpersonal violence, thereby empirically confirming that the IRMA accurately captures the underlying theoretical construct of prejudicial attitudes toward sexual assault.

The 2011 revision maintained and enhanced this validity. Specifically, the updated 22-item version proved effective in measuring contemporary rape myths, particularly those related to nuanced issues like ambiguous consent and alcohol-facilitated assault. The robust psychometric properties of the revised scale ensure it remains a sound and differentiating measure for research, reliably distinguishing between individuals who reject these harmful beliefs and those who endorse them.

Reliability

The original 45-item IRMA exhibited high internal consistency, a critical indicator of reliability. Reported Cronbach’s alpha coefficients for the total score were consistently high, typically around .95. This strong internal consistency suggested that the items cohesively measured a single, unified attitudinal structure—Rape Myth Acceptance—justifying the use of the total score for comprehensive measurement.

The refined 22-item version successfully preserved this high level of reliability. Across diverse research populations, the internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) for the overall scale and its four subscales consistently exceeded .90. This sustained reliability confirms the instrument’s stability and accuracy in measuring both the general construct of RMA and the specific dimensions identified in the updated factor structure.

Factor Analysis

The original 45-item scale underwent extensive Factor Analysis by Payne et al. (1999). Although the authors initially explored a multi-dimensional conceptual structure, the statistical analyses primarily supported the existence of a dominant general factor representing overall Rape Myth Acceptance, alongside several smaller, highly correlated auxiliary factors.

The subsequent revision in 2011 by McMahon and Farmer utilized confirmatory Factor Analysis to establish a more parsimonious and clinically useful four-factor structure for the 22-item version. This model significantly improved the scale’s interpretability, allowing researchers to precisely analyze specific dimensions of myth endorsement: Victim Blaming, Offender Excuse, Narrow Definition of Rape, and Victim Deception/False Accusation.

Instrument

Test Type: Self-report attitudinal scale.

Format: 7-point Likert scale, anchored by 1 (not at all agree) and 7 (very much agree).

Language Available: Primarily English; translations have been utilized in cross-cultural research.

Population Group: General population, high school and university students, specialized groups (e.g., police officers, legal professionals, military personnel).

Age Group: Adolescents and Adults (typically 16 years and older).

Population Details: The scale is widely used in college settings to assess pre-existing attitudes and to evaluate the impact and efficacy of sexual assault prevention education programs.

Test Methodology: Respondents are instructed to rate their degree of agreement with a series of statements reflecting common rape myths. Scores are calculated by summing or averaging the item responses, where higher resulting scores indicate a stronger endorsement and greater acceptance of these prejudicial beliefs.

Keywords

Attitudinal Assessment, Sexual Assault Research, Psychometric properties, Victimization, Gender Stereotypes, Social Justice, Construct validity.

Authors

Author ORCID Identifier: Not specified in source content.

Affiliation Email addresses: Not specified in source content.

Correspondence Address: Refer to the original publication (Payne, Lonsway, & Fitzgerald, 1999) for correspondence details of the primary authors.

Permissions & Fee and Test Year

The original 45-item scale was published in 1999, followed by the updated 22-item version in 2011. The IRMA is generally available for use in non-commercial academic research, provided that appropriate citation is given to the original developers. For commercial applications or widespread implementation, researchers are advised to contact the primary authors directly to secure specific permissions.

The instrument is recognized as a key measure in the field and is included in a compendium of measures for assessing dimensions of violence against women, compiled by Michael Flood. The original PDF compilation can be downloaded here: http://www.svri.org/measures.pdf.

Reference’s

• Payne, D. L., Lonsway, K. A., & Fitzgerald, L. F. (1999). Rape myth acceptance: Exploration of its structure and its measurement using the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale. Journal of Research in Personality, 33(1), 27-68.
• McMahon, T., & Farmer, T. (2011). The revised Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale: A measure of the acceptance of rape myths. Journal of Research in Personality, 45(2), 209-211.

Items of the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale

IMPORTANT: The following scale items must be preserved in their original language and must not be changed in any way.

Original 45-Item Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA)

1. If a woman is raped while she is drunk, she is at least somewhat responsible for letting things get out of control.
2. Although most women wouldn’t admit it, they generally find being physically forced into sex a real ‘‘turn-on.’’
3. When men rape, it is because of their strong desire for sex.
4. If a woman is willing to ‘‘make out’’ with a guy, then it’s no big deal if he goes a little further and has sex.
5. Women who are caught having an illicit affair sometimes claim that it was rape.
6. Newspapers should not release the name of a rape victim to the public.
7. Many so-called rape victims are actually women who had sex and ‘‘changed their minds’’ afterwards.
8. Many women secretly desire to be raped.
9. Rape mainly occurs on the ‘‘bad’’ side of town.
10. Usually, it is only women who do things like hang out in bars and sleep around that are raped.
11. Most rapists are not caught by the police.
12. If a woman doesn’t physically fight back, you can’t really say that it was rape.
13. Men from nice middle-class homes almost never rape.
14. Rape isn’t as big a problem as some feminists would like people to think.
15. When women go around wearing low-cut tops or short skirts, they’re just asking for trouble.
16. Rape accusations are often used as a way of getting back at men.
17. A rape probably didn’t happen if the woman has no bruises or marks.
18. Many women find being forced to have sex very arousing.
19. If a woman goes home with a man she doesn’t know, it is her own fault if she is raped.
20. Rapists are usually sexually frustrated individuals.
21. All women should have access to self-defense classes.
22. It is usually only women who dress suggestively that are raped.
23. Some women prefer to have sex forced on them so they don’t have to feel guilty about it.
24. If the rapist doesn’t have a weapon, you really can’t call it a rape.
25. When a woman is a sexual tease, eventually she is going to get into trouble.
26. Being raped isn’t as bad as being mugged and beaten.
27. Rape is unlikely to happen in the woman’s own familiar neighborhood.
28. In reality, women are almost never raped by their boyfriends.
29. Women tend to exaggerate how much rape affects them.
30. When a man is very sexually aroused, he may not even realize that the woman is resisting.
31. A lot of women lead a man on and then they cry rape.
32. It is preferable that a female police officer conduct the questioning when a woman reports a rape.
33. A lot of times, women who claim they were raped just have emotional problems.
34. If a woman doesn’t physically resist sex—even when protesting verbally—it really can’t be considered rape.
35. Rape almost never happens in the woman’s own home.
36. A woman who ‘‘teases’’ men deserves anything that might happen.
37. When women are raped, it’s often because the way they said ‘‘no’’ was ambiguous.
38. If a woman isn’t a virgin, then it shouldn’t be a big deal if her date forces her to have sex.
39. Men don’t usually intend to force sex on a woman, but sometimes they get too sexually carried away.
40. This society should devote more effort to preventing rape.
41. A woman who dresses in skimpy clothes should not be surprised if a man tries to force her to have sex.
42. Rape happens when a man’s sex drive gets out of control.
43. A woman who goes to the home or apartment of a man on the first date is implying that she wants to have sex.
44. Many women actually enjoy sex after the guy uses a little force.
45. If a woman claims to have been raped but has no bruises or scrapes, she probably shouldn’t be taken too seriously.

Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) Subscales (McMahon & Farmer, 2011)

Subscale 1: She asked for it

1. If a girl is raped while she is drunk, she is at least somewhat responsible for letting things get out of hand.
2. When girls go to parties wearing slutty clothes, they are asking for trouble.
3. If a girl goes to a room alone with a guy at a party, it is her own fault if she is raped.
4. If a girl acts like a slut, eventually she is going to get into trouble.
5. When girls get raped, it’s often because the way they said “no” was unclear.
6. If a girl initiates kissing or hooking up, she should not be surprised if a guy assumes she wants to have sex.

Subscale 2: He didn’t mean to

7. When guys rape, it is usually because of their strong desire for sex.
8. Guys don’t usually intend to force sex on a girl, but sometimes they get too sexually carried away.
9. Rape happens when a guy’s sex drive goes out of control.
10. If a guy is drunk, he might rape someone unintentionally.
11. It shouldn’t be considered rape if a guy is drunk and didn’t realize what he was doing.
12. If both people are drunk, it can’t be rape.

Subscale 3: It wasn’t really rape

13. If a girl doesn’t physically resist sex—even if protesting verbally—it can’t be considered rape.
14. If a girl doesn’t physically fight back, you can’t really say it was rape.
15. A rape probably doesn’t happen if a girl doesn’t have any bruises or marks.
16. If the accused “rapist” doesn’t have a weapon, you really can’t call it rape.
17. If a girl doesn’t say “no” she can’t claim rape.

Subscale 4: She lied

18. A lot of times, girls who say they were raped agreed to have sex and then regret it.
19. Rape accusations are often used as a way of getting back at guys.
20. A lot of times, girls who say they were raped often led the guy on and then had regrets.
21. A lot of times, girls who claim they were raped have emotional problems.
22. Girls who are caught cheating on their boyfriends sometimes claim it was rape.